There has long been a persistent illusion at the top of Haiti’s social pyramid—a comforting fiction nurtured in the hills of Pétion-Ville and Kenscoff. It is the “Titanic” illusion: the arrogant belief that one can survive indefinitely, champagne in hand, in first-class cabins while the hull is torn open below and the lower decks are flooding.
That illusion is dead.
Recent events have demonstrated, with brutal clarity, that violence no longer respects geography. It does not require a “pass” to climb into the hills. When Bel-Air, Solino, or downtown burn, the smoke stains even the most fortified villas, and the entire economy suffocates.
Today, as security forces attempt a last stand against criminal strongholds, one unavoidable question emerges: Where are the elites?
Not only business leaders—but also the political class that has governed the State.
Let it be said plainly: Haiti’s fracture is not natural—it is constructed. Constructed by an economic elite that withdrew from the social contract, and by a political elite that hollowed out the State.
But this is no longer a moral trial.
The courthouse is on fire. This is a survival calculation.
Autopsy of a Shared Responsibility
1. Economic Elites and Silent Secession
For decades, parts of the private sector operated in a bubble:
- Import-driven profits
- Monopoly rents
- Minimal reinvestment in society
Walls were built higher instead of schools.
And in some cases, peace was “purchased” by financing gangs.
That was a Faustian pact.
Today, the gangs no longer ask—they demand everything.
2. Public Authorities and Institutional Betrayal
If the private sector erred through selfishness, the State failed through predation.
- Gangs used as electoral tools
- Arms flowing through corrupted ports
- Institutions abandoned
The State was not overwhelmed—it incubated the crisis.
We now face a double failure, requiring a double mobilization.
The Colombian Precedent: When Elites Pay to Survive
In 2002, Colombia was collapsing:
- ~29,000 homicides per year
- ~3,000 kidnappings annually
- Vast territory outside State control
President Álvaro Uribe imposed a bold measure:
➡️ A temporary wealth tax (≈1.2%) to fund national security
The result (2002–2006):
- Homicides ↓ ~40%
- Kidnappings ↓ ~77%
- Terror attacks ↓ ~60%
Elites contributed not out of generosity—but rational self-interest.
A smaller fortune in a stable country is worth more than a large one in chaos.
The Haitian Proposal: Defense & Reconstruction Fund
1. Contribution Mechanism
- 1%–1.5% levy on:
- Large companies (revenues > 50M HTG)
- High-net-worth individuals (> $10M)
- Duration: 3 years
- Target: $150M–$200M annually
2. Governance
- Tripartite structure:
- Private sector (5)
- State (3)
- International observers (2)
- Strict audit and veto mechanisms
3. Allocation
- 60% → Security forces (equipment, bonuses)
- 30% → Reconstruction (jobs, infrastructure)
- 10% → Justice & intelligence
This is not charity. It is a survival premium.
Operational Role of the Private Sector
Logistics
Private companies can:
- Supply food, water, materials
- Manage distribution chains
- Support rapid reconstruction
Intelligence
Businesses already know:
- Extortion networks
- Financial flows
Breaking silence is critical.
The Social Shield: Economic Alternatives
Security without opportunity is temporary.
Key actions:
- Industrial micro-zones (textile, assembly, agro-processing)
- Call centers & digital services
- Fast-track vocational training
Employment is counter-insurgency.
The State’s Obligation: End Predation
For this pact to work, the State must reform:
- Customs control → stop arms inflow
- Judicial integrity → no more gang releases
- Austerity → lead by example
No reform = no trust.
National Union or Collective Collapse
There is no neutral ground left.
- Status quo = collapse
- Capital flight = illusion
- Division = fuel for gangs
The only viable path:
➡️ A new social contract
- Elites invest and contribute
- The State protects and reforms
